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Race and Ethnicity

Is “Sisterhood” What We Need?

A framework for coalition-building in feminist activism.

Key points

  • Sisterhood in feminist advocacy can only be had if all other forms of oppression are conquered.
  • Striving for sameness erases the experiences of women with multiple interlocking marginalized identities.
  • Contemporary intersectional feminism proposes seeking shared interests over shared identity.
  • Coalition based on shared objectives, rather than sisterhood, creates systemic and effective change.

If the multiverse exists, then somewhere therein is a planet just like ours where sexism and sexist oppression have been conquered. It is a place where race, class, and social privilege have been deconstructed and true, prejudice-free equality is the norm. Perhaps, on that far-off planet, sisterhood among feminist women exists.

Here, on our little planet, sisterhood seems a lofty and unattainable goal.

#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen and Why That Is

There is plenty of discourse in feminist spaces about the need for sisterhood, unity, and cohesion among women in the feminist movement. However, scholars of feminist theory have, for decades, pointed out that these conversations happen almost exclusively in white feminist spaces (hooks, 2014). White, heterosexual feminists with material wealth and class privilege tend to emphasize sex- or gender-based oppression as the singular axis of feminist advocacy, which serves to further marginalize or even erase multiply marginalized women (Billups et al., 2022; Crenshaw, 1991, Sesko & Biernat, 2018).

To further complicate these matters, American women of all identities have been raised under white supremacy and patriarchy. Many of us have not done the necessary work to deconstruct these indoctrinated ideas. As a result, even exclusively female spaces cannot be entirely safe, especially for women with multiple interlocking marginalized identities. Indeed, women’s spaces are often replete with various -phobias and -isms that continue to make non-white, trans, queer, disabled, neurodiverse, or economically disadvantaged women feel unwelcome and misunderstood.

How can there be sisterly solidarity when women fighting oppression on more than one front feel like no one is listening? And even when good faith efforts to listen are made, the different ways we experience the world can impede our ability to empathize and understand.

For example, in her book Hood Feminism, Mikki Kendall points out that although some white feminists view men as the enemy of feminism, many Black women cannot and will not hold that view. Because Black women see Black men as their partners in the fight against racism and racist oppression, they fundamentally will not abandon those men—even when they happen to hold sexist or misogynistic ideas (pp.10-11).

Similarly, while some white feminists declare that the hijab is oppressive and sexist, women who choose to wear the hijab see it as a symbol of devotion to their faith and, in fact, a form of liberation from the male gaze. As white feminists attempt to “awaken” non-white women to what they perceive as acts of oppression, they often succeed only in alienating those women from the feminist movement.

With these profound experiential differences among women, is the concept of a unified feminist sisterhood realistic? Is it possible? Is it even a good idea?

Shared Interest Over Shared Identity

Many feminist scholars suggest that the vision of a shared identity in sisterhood is not only unrealistic but also harmful and exclusionary (Kendall, 2021; Loza, 2014; May 2014; Okolosie, 2014). Assimilating women into one unified whole will, inevitably, serve to garner more power and privilege for women who already have them and call it a collective win for all women.

These scholars propose that we stop seeking to define some shared identity among all women and to, instead, focus on shared interest. Rather than advocating for a false sense of sisterhood that only benefits those at the top, we should focus instead on coalition: coming together around shared principles that address differences in power and privilege among us (Chun, Lipsitz, & Shin, 2013; Crenshaw, 1991).

Differences in race, class, and social privilege become opportunities for connection and empathy, without centering or striving for sameness. Through openly discussing our differences, and in particular, how those differences translate to power and privilege for some women at the expense of others, we can better achieve social change.

These conversations become nuanced when we begin discussing who, then, should lead feminist discourse and activism. There are many feminist thinkers who believe that women fighting multiple axes of oppression should be centered as thought leaders and policymakers. Their experiential knowledge of how to organize, both socially and politically, empowers them to advocate for feminist progress more successfully than singularly marginalized women (Mckoy et al., 2013). Thus, they are the most suitable candidates to lead feminist advocacy.

However, some speculate that putting multiply marginalized women at the forefront of the movement will cause women with race, class, and social privilege to abdicate their role in feminist advocacy. Rather than using their power and privilege to amplify the feminist cause, they will instead grow indolent and inert, laying claim to the liberation they have gained without extending a hand to other women who remain oppressed.

How Coalition Creates Real Unity

The utility of coalitions is that they subvert these issues. Coalition in the intersectional feminist movement focuses on the attainment of common objectives that center the needs of women with multiple marginalized identities, who are resisting oppression on multiple fronts. Understanding that women’s liberation is inextricably linked to racial, social, and class equality (Akerly, 2011), coalitions forsake the futile pursuit of sisterhood and focus instead on dismantling all systems of oppression that affect women.

In this way, women who claim the least power and privilege are centered and supported. They give guidance and direction to the movement, establishing goals based on their experiences fighting multiple forms of oppression. Women with race, class, or social privilege pull whatever levers of power they have at their disposal to achieve these shared goals.

While the pursuit of sisterhood prioritizes sameness that is sweet in theory but impotent in practice, coalition based on shared objectives toward ending all forms of oppression is compassionate, effective, and powerful. It celebrates diversity over sameness, viewing our differences as the catalyst for more productive feminist advocacy.

Solidarity and sisterhood mean nothing if some of us are left behind. Coalition is the bridge we build to ensure that all women cross the chasm.

References

Ackerly, B. A. (2013). Intelligence and Compassion, the Tools of Feminists: An Engagement with Catia Confortini. In Feminism and International Relations (pp. 40-47). Routledge.

Billups, S., Thelamour, B., Thibodeau, P. et al. (2022). On intersectionality: Visualizing the invisibility of Black women. Cognitive Research 7, 100.

Chun, J. J., Lipsitz, G., & Shin, Y. (2013). Intersectionality as a social movement strategy: Asian immigrant women advocates. Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 38(4), 917-940.

Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241.

Hooks, B. (2014). Sisterhood: Political solidarity between women. In Feminist Social Thought (pp. 484-500). Routledge.

Kendall, Mikki.(2021) Hood Feminism. Bloomsbury Publishing PLC, 2021.

Loza, S. (2014). “Hashtag Feminism, #Solidarityisforwhitewomen, and the other #femfuture.” Ada: A Journal on Gender, New Media, & Technology 5.

May, V. M. (2014). “Speaking into the void”? Intersectionality critiques and epistemically backlash. Hypatia, 29(1), 94-112.

Mckoy, T., Shelton, C. D., Davis, C., & Frost, E. A. (2022). Embodying public feminisms: Collaborative intersectional models for engagement. IEEE Transactions on Professional Communication, 65(1), 70-86.

Okolosie, L. (2014). Open Space: Beyond talking, and owning intersectionality. Feminist Review 108: 90-96.

Sesko, A. K., & Biernat, M. (2018). Invisibility of Black women: Drawing attention to individuality. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 21(1), 141–158.

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